Despite extensive data indicating the disproportionate impact of climate change on women, most national climate change policies are written “gender blind”. A report  jointly published by the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) and Queen Mary University of London in 2023 found that out of 119 countries with climate crisis plans, only 38 include provisions for access to contraception and maternal and newborn health services, and only 15 address the issue of violence against women. So, why do we persist in formulating policies that ignore vital areas that directly affect women’s well-being—the lack of adequate health services, impact on agriculture and food insecurity, scarce access to water and sanitation, human displacement and trafficking, among others—when we already know we need to act differently? 

One possible explanation is that these policies are primarily developed by men. While women are increasingly assuming decision-making roles at work and often lead community-based activities, they remain underrepresented at the national and international policy-making levels. As a result, gender considerations are frequently overlooked in national policies and international negotiations.

Few women’s voices at the international and national level

For example, the Gender Action Plan established by governments under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) committed to ensuring women’s full, equal, and meaningful engagement in the global climate process, along with a prominent role in decision-making and climate action, has shown slow progress. The participation of women at high-level global policy making venues such as in delegations at the Conference of the Parties (COP) has practically remained unchanged for the past 16 years. Last year’s COP28 marked a one percentage point decrease from COP27, and only a three-percentage point increase from COP14 in 2008. Even more appalling is that only 15 out of 133 world leaders who attended COP28 in 2023 were women. Similarly, in COP27 only five out of 16 constituted bodies reported having achieved the goal of gender parity.

We are neglecting the invaluable contributions that women bring to climate change discussions…

The situation is relatively the same when we focus on Europe. The European Institute of Gender Equality (EIGE) highlights the significant gender disparity in government ministers responsible for environment and climate policies. Only 26.8 percent of these ministers are women, while the majority, 73.2 percent, are men. Despite this imbalance, it marks an improvement from 19.2 percent in 2012, when data collection began by the EIGE. Similarly, within the national parliaments of EU Member States, committees addressing environment and climate issues also present a gender imbalance: 29.7 percent women compared to 70.3 percent men. No European countries have achieved gender parity on their environment or climate committees. Sweden, Italy, and Spain each have over 40 percent women, while Romania, Slovenia, and Malta have fewer than 10 percent women on their national environment and climate committees (statistics as of 2021).

The data underscores a critical shortcoming: we are neglecting the invaluable contributions that women bring to climate change discussions and, as a result, there are insufficient policies to address the specific needs of women in a climate crisis. Without women’s voices in the rooms where policy is written, we are missing their unique perspectives and insights essential for developing inclusive resilience strategies to address the needs of the most affected, such as impoverished women and their children. 

Women in climate policy-making

Women’s collaborative and inclusive leadership styles are exemplified by trailblazers like Barbados Primer Minister Mia Mottley who has spent years campaigning against the catastrophic effects of climate change.  Her address to the 76th Session of the General Assembly is still one of the most admired and memorable in recent years. In 2021 she received the prestigious UN Champions of the Earth award. Another prime example of women in environmental policy making is Marina Silva who currently heads the Environment and Climate Change Ministry of Brazil. A leading political figure, environmentalist and powerful voice in policymaking in her country, she was credited with sharply slowing the pace of Amazonian deforestation during her previous term as Minister of Environment (2003–2008). During her current term, Brazil decreased Amazon deforestation by over 50 percent in 2023, in comparison to 2022 (1.5 million, vs. 0.5 million hectares lost in 2022 and 2023 respectively). A third devoted promoter of climate justice is President Samia Suluhu Hassan from Tanzania. She has become the global spokesperson for African nations advocating for the unlocking of climate change financing to enable low-income countries to achieve ambitious sustainable development goals. Tanzania is one of the first countries in Africa to create an investment roadmap which outlines adaptation priorities and finance mobilization strategies for implementing climate adaptation measures.

Further correlations between gender equality and driving positive climate policies is evident in countries like Canada, France, Sweden and Norway. These economies are some of the best ranked in terms of legal and regulatory regimes that promote gender equality and also display the highest carbon tax revenue, resulting from carbon tax systems that cover a range of sectors at relatively high tax rates. 

A starting point

Considering the significant gender disparities highlighted, it is evident that there is a pressing need to enhance female participation in climate policy. Below are some perspectives that can serve as a starting point for a more concerted effort to promote inclusivity:

• Narrow the gap between aspirations and reality in women´s participation: Even countries with higher rankings in overall gender equality may overlook the inclusion of women in domestic climate policy. Australia serves as an example. Despite prioritizing the integration of gender considerations into climate change within its foreign policy— as demonstrated by the emphasis on “gender-responsive approaches” and enhancing “the perspectives and representation of women in international climate change bodies”— gender is absent from Australia’s domestic climate change mandates, government materials, and National Determined Contributions (NDC). This discrepancy highlights a deeper issue: prioritizing gender only in foreign development policy perpetuates the false narrative that gender and climate issues are solely applicable to the Global South, while avoiding the necessary confrontation of structural inequities within domestic spheres.
• Incorporate gender mainstreaming into governance structures: Bhutan’s institutional architecture features the National Commission for Women and Children (NCWC) as the primary coordinating entity for gender equality and child-sensitive policies, plans, projects, and activities. Additionally, Gender Focal Points (GFPs) operate within ministries, districts, civil society organizations (CSOs), and the private sector, spearheading gender mainstreaming efforts. These GFPs undertake various responsibilities, including raising awareness and promoting gender-friendly workplaces, with support and training provided by the NCWC.
• Establish a gender responsive monitoring, reporting and verification system: Uruguay developed a monitoring, evaluation and learning framework to track how Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) programming is supporting gender equality and women’s empowerment.
• Build capacity to enhance women’s participation in policy making and climate negotiations: The African Development Bank (AfDB) administered the Africa Climate Change Fund’s (ACCF) grant to build the capacities of female climate change negotiators in the region. The project’s objectives include ensuring increased and more effective participation of women in climate change decision-making at the international level and promoting understanding and consideration of gender issues by all negotiators. The project covers close to 20 African countries.

These examples are a sampling of how countries both value the perspectives and contributions of women in climate policy and how they are working to increase women’s participation as climate policy makers. Despite progress in some areas, the underrepresentation of women in decision-making roles demands increasing attention and concerted action. However, amidst these challenges there is a beacon of hope: the recognition of the invaluable contributions that women bring to the table. Their unique perspectives, collaborative leadership styles, and inclusive approaches are essential for developing effective climate policies and strategies that truly address the needs of all, particularly the most vulnerable.